Ch 28 - The Sino-Japanese WarThe SetupJapan exerted heavy diplomatic and military pressure in Korea to force the Seoul government to admit its independence, to pry it away from China and to institute numerous reforms. By the late nineteenth century, Korea's strategic geographic location, as well as its potential for exploitation, put the small kingdom at the focal point of a bitter rivalry for domination between Russia, Japan and China. The history of East Asia was about to enter a decisive phase. Many small nations in history have found themselves trapped between heavy-footed neighbors. Korea's strategic importance to both China and Japan was a perpetual source of irritation and jealousy between statesmen in Beijing and Tokyo for centuries. Korea's geography made it the target of imperialism, or at least a plot of land to be trampled by neighbors for no other reason than to prevent someone else from doing so. Except for the Hideyoshi invasions of the late sixteenth century, neither China nor Japan could have been accused of holding actively aggressive intentions towards Korea, but then neither wished to see the other there. The intense Sino-Japanese rivalry over Korea's fate continued unabated ever since the 1885 Convention of Tianjin. The continuous dissension among various factions in Korea, each plotting and counter-plotting against the other, one side appealing to the Japanese for support, the other to the Chinese, only sharpened the rivalry. When Japan learned that China was preparing to dispatch additional troops to the peninsula with no other apparent purpose than to further strengthen their hold on Korea, it warned Beijing that any such move would be considered an unfriendly act. While the diplomats continued to talk, the military began preparing for more immediate emergencies. Japan's anxiety increased when intelligence agents reported that a 15,000-man division of China's Huai Army had crossed the northern Korea frontier armed with artillery and was advancing south toward Pyongyang. A clash between China and Japan suddenly became more than just a possibility. In Korea, Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu had already given Otori Keisuke the green light to foment a pretext for trouble. The issue of Korean reforms was just such a pretext. Mutsu ordered Otori to present the entire list of reforms to the Yi government in writing and to make it clear that Japan would not remove its troops until their demands were met. Chargé d'affaires Otori Keisuke began executing his instructions on June 28, when he pointedly asked the Korean government whether or not it considered itself an independent nation. The directness of the question left King Kojong's government torn among three opinions: first, that Korea was an independent nation and that Japan had been the first country to declare that fact to the world; second, that Korea had a long-standing dependency on China; and third, that Korea might avoid angering both Japan and China by giving a vague answer to the question and referring both nations to existing treaties. The Korean Foreign Office cabled Li Hongzhang asking for directions on how to answer Otori. Because of an interruption in the telegraph line to Uiju, Li's answer, which recommended the same old ambiguous line that Korea was both dependent and independent, did not arrive soon enough. Without direct guidance, the Korean government deliberated for there days before finally responding that Korea was independent. Since Korea had technically renounced its suzerain status with China, Otori demanded that a commission of high officials from the Seoul government work out a plan of reform of its financial, judicial, and military institutions in concert with the Japanese legation. King Kojong and his government agreed and even issued a number of edicts to that effect. Although the Yi government acknowledged the necessity of introducing wide-spread reforms immediately, it preferred to do so without foreign intervention. The Korean government resisted Otori's pretensions for a few days, but on July 8 Kojong appointed three officials to form a commission to examine and discuss Otori's proposals. Japan was far more interested in gaining economic concessions from Korea than in reforming the crumbling Yi government. Only two days after Kojong's commission began its work, Otori extended his list of reforms, some of which had far-reaching effect. The pressure applied on the Seoul government was so strong that when Kojong and his ministers implored Otori to withdraw his soldiers from the royal presence, he agreed to do so only if the king would consent to a number of wholesale concessions, including railway rights, that, if granted, would have meant a virtual Japanese monopoly of the entire Korean economy. Otori proposed to reform Korea in three phases. The Yi administration would be reorganized during the first phase of the reform program, which also included widening the country's highways, constructing new railways, and stringing telegraph lines. These items were to be discussed within three days and implemented within ten days. In the second phase, Korea's monetary system was to be changed. The country's finances and the Maritime and Customs Service were to be put in order within six months. Finally, in phase three, the Korean judicial system, the police, the army and public education were to be reorganized within two years. The Japanese never expected these reforms to be put into effect. Both Mutsu and Otori understood the pro-Chinese faction in the royal court was becoming increasingly influential and the Korean government had little inclination to reform itself. At one point, Minister Mutsu remarked that the whole purpose behind the reform demands was not to move Korea toward self-reform, but to provoke the Chinese. He ordered Otori to "commence active movement on any pretext" that was least likely to trigger criticism from the rest of the world. Otori presented King Kojong with an ultimatum on July 13 and gave him three days to accept his list of reforms. Western nations, including Russia, were eager to get rid of the Chinese interest and influence in Korea and they encouraged Kojong's government not to tolerate "foreign" interference. In a sudden change of stance, the Seoul government declared on July 18 that the continued presence of Japanese troops would hinder the execution of any reform measures and demanded that Japan withdraw its forces as a precondition to the enactment of any reforms. This new position was likely the result of Li Hongzhang's delayed telegram informing the Korean government that a massive Chinese army was being sent to remove the Japanese from Seoul. Faced with a new challenge, Otori immediately went to the Korean Foreign Office, where he expressed surprise at Korea's sudden breach of faith. He issued an three day ultimatum with the following demands: an order for the evacuation of the Chinese troops from Asan and a declaration that the existing treaty between Korea and China was henceforth null and void. The Korean government adamantly refused to yield to Japanese pressure and the three-day limit expired without a government response. Five days later the Japanese reform plans were rejected; first, because most of the reform provisions already existed in Korea's canon of law and second, concerning the few new measures proposed, a Board of Review and Rectification had been created and a program of reform was already underway. As the Japanese turned up the heat in Seoul, China's resident minister Yuan Shih-k'ai came to the realization he had utterly failed to halt the Japanese diplomatically. Not wishing to fall into their hands, he disguised himself as a Chinese servant of the Russian military attache and quietly slipped out of Seoul on July 19. The same day, Otori received permission from Japan to institute "oppressive means" in Korea. The pendulum of power in the peninsula had swung back from China to Japan. Japan's increasingly strident actions were seen as the first activities of a newly emerging imperial power and greatly contributed to a rising mood of confrontation in East Asia. Russia was backed by France and Germany, both of which were almost equally annoyed by Japan's growing renown for acquiring the knack of Asiatic colonization, long considered a European monopoly. To protect its international position in the region, Japan looked for a way to counter its rivals for dominance in Korea. Great Britain's desire to check the Russians and protect its economic interests in Asia soon led to an affinity between Japan and Great Britain that came to play an important role in Korea's future. Great Britain and Japan signed the Anglo-Japanese Treaty on July 16, 1894. The agreement stipulated that if either nation got involved in hostilities against more than one opponent, the other would come to its assistance. Believing that neither Germany nor France would likely risk a world war to aid Russia, Japan felt confident that both European powers would remain on the sidelines if it were to fight China. Furthermore, the British agreement permitted the Japanese to dispatch troops to Korea "in case of emergency," a privilege that gave the Japanese their opening opportunity in 1894. With its hand strengthened, Japan set about trying to adjust the dispute with China by diplomatic means on the one hand while building up an even more formidable naval fleet on the other. On July 20, Otori Keisuke sent two dispatches to Kim Yun-sik, president of the Korean Foreign Office, that went to the heart of the growing conflict over Korea. The first message asserted that China's military intervention violated not only Korea's independence, but Article 1 of the Kanghwa Treaty that stipulated Korea was an independent state with the same sovereign rights as Japan. In his second dispatch, Otori repeated that "Korea was originally, and is now, a Sovereign State and not a dependency of any country." He accused the Chinese government of looking with contempt on Korea's independence and of encroaching upon its authority and power. If, after such "infamous and unlawful occurrences," the Korean government continued to allow China to maintain its army on the peninsula, Otori continued, it would not only undermine Korea's sovereignty, but would render the treaty between them just so many "empty words." Otori demanded a "positive answer" from Kim by July 22. If the Seoul government delayed its response, Otori threatened, he would carry out his own "decisive opinion on the matter." The Korean government continued to protest the presence of foreign troops on its soil, all the while resisting Japanese demands that it terminate its relations with China. Kim Yun-sik issued an evasive response to Otori's notes on July 22, declaring that, "the Chinese troops came to Seoul at its request and would not leave unless similarly requested." This was hardly a satisfactory reply. At dawn on the morning of July 23, Otori sent a note to the Korean Foreign Office that warned unless a specific, satisfactory response was made at once, Japan would resort to armed force in defense of its rights and interests in Korea. The situation in Korea deteriorated rapidly amidst a flurry of international activity aimed at preventing open war between China and Japan. The city of Seoul was in a state of intense excitement. Faced with continued resistance from the royal court, Otori resolved to see King Kojong in person. Early on the morning of July 23, 1894, he started toward Kyongbok Palace in a palanquin under the escort of Japanese legation troops. As the group approached the palace, Korean palace guards fired on the procession and the Japanese quickly responded with force. Within fifteen minutes, Japanese troops overpowered the guards, forced open the gate to Kyongbok Palace, entered the grounds, and seized King Kojong. With King Kojong a prisoner of Japan and Queen Min and her powerful clan faction forced from power, the pro-Chinese Yi government came to an abrupt end. By late afternoon, Japanese troops had control of the entire capital. Japanese soldiers entered Kyongbok Palace, not in the heat of a surprise fire fight, but under orders. The quick raid on the royal palace was no accident, but an armed military operation intended to bring Seoul under Japanese control as the first step in a coming war with China. The principal aims of the raid were to seize the king and persuade his father, the Taewongun, to assume political control in order to subordinate Korea to Japan; to force the Korean government to expel Chinese troops from the peninsula; to disarm Korean troops inside the palace and keep Seoul safe for Japanese citizens while the Imperial Japanese Army conducted operations against Tonghak rebels in southern Korea, and; to pressure the Korean government to open access for Japan to support upcoming operations against the Chinese. Almost immediately, the Japanese induced King Kojong to declare Korea an independent country and to introduce a reform program modeled after their earlier initiatives. Among the many proclamations issued by the new puppet government was a decree that denounced Korea's treaties with China and officially asked Japan's help to expel Chinese troops from the peninsula. Not until all hope for a diplomatic solution had failed did Viceroy Li finally accede to General Yuan Shih-k'ai's request and send military reinforcements to Korea. Between July 21 and 23, ten transports conveying Chinese troops left Taku for Korea. On July 24, 1894, the day after the Japanese attack on Kyongbok Palace, the Chinese cruiser Tsi Yuen and the escort sloop Kwang Yi steamed out of the naval base at Weihaiwei for Asan Bay in Korea followed by the escort sloop Tsao-kiang and a lone troop ship flying the British flag. The 2,134-ton merchant steamer Kowshing, commanded by Captain T. R. Galsworthy, had been chartered from the Indochina Steam Navigation Company of London. Unknown to China at the time, the Japanese already knew about the planned troop movement, having engaged the services of a telegraph operator in Tianjin who was quite willing to accept a bribe. Three ironclad cruisers of the Japanese Flying Squadron under command of Rear Admiral Tsuboi Kozo had been patrolling the Gulf of Asan since July 23, watching for Chinese transports rumored to be landing troops on the Korean coast. Leading the patrol was the 4,150-ton British-built cruiser Naniwa, commanded by Captain Togo Heihachiro. The Naniwa, nearly 300 feet in length and mounting two 10.2-inch and six 5.9-inch guns, four torpedo tubes, and fourteen machine guns, was reputed to be one of the world's most powerful ironclad cruisers. Close aboard was the 4,180-ton British-built ironclad cruiser Yoshino, Rear Admiral Tsuboi's flagship, armed with four 6-inch and eight 4.7-inch guns. The third ship was the 3,150-ton Japanese-built cruiser Akitsushima, commanded by Captain Hikonojo Kamimura and armed with four 6-inch and six 4.7-inch guns. Just before 7 o'clock in the morning on July 25, the Japanese naval patrol spotted two unidentified ships emerging from the entrance to the port of Asan near Feng Island. Since there were no transport ships with them, Captain Togo decided to let them pass unchallenged, but ordered his crew to general quarters as a precaution. As the ships drew closer, it became evident that both were Chinese warships steaming at full speed for the open sea. The 2,355-ton ironclad cruiser Tsi Yuen, armed with two 8.2-inch and one 5.9-inch guns, had her awnings up and looked generally unprepared for action. The ship's steering gear, never the best even under ideal circumstances, had been neglected for some time and as fate would have it, the steering gear failed just as the Chinese warships neared the Japanese patrol. The Tsi Yuen suddenly altered course and headed straight for the Japanese squadron with her bow wave foaming and her funnels belching black smoke. The escort sloop Kwang Yi simply followed the leader. Even though war had not been declared, the Japanese had orders to block the transport of Chinese troops to Korea and to deal with any Chinese warships encountered with force if necessary. Surprised and bewildered by the sudden change of course, fear spread through the Flying Squadron that the Chinese intended to launch torpedoes. All guns aboard the Japanese cruisers swung toward the Tsi Yuen's bridge as the Japanese signaled her to break off the approach. The Tsi Yuen pressed on, unable to alter course. As she closed on the Naniwa, Captain Togo turned his ship towards the approaching cruiser. The Tsi Yuen quickly hoisted a white flag, but continued on course, at which point Captain Togo assumed the worst and ordered his crew to open fire. The Yoshino and Akitsushima quickly got into the fight. From a range of 3,000 meters, a 4.7-inch shell penetrated the Tsi Yuen's conning tower and shredded the hapless crew inside. When the Tsi Yuen got within 300 yards, the Naniwa's big 10.2-inch guns thundered in unison, joined quickly by the lighter guns of the Yoshino and Akitsushima. The British trained Japanese gunners soon bracketed the two Chinese ships and scored numerous hits. The first salvo hit the Tsi Yuen's bridge structure five times, killing two Chinese officers. A large shell bounced off the armor decking and hit the forward turret, taking out one of the cruiser's 8-inch guns. Another shell hit the forward turret shortly afterwards, killing the gun crew. The Chinese commander ordered his crew to return fire, but their lack of training and preparedness took its toll quickly and the response did not amount to much. The Tsi Yuen's gunners managed to hit the Yoshino's bridge with a single round, but did little damage. With its upper structure riddled by shell fragments, three officers and thirteen men killed and twenty-five wounded, the badly damaged Tsi Yuen finally managed to repair its steering gear. Turning to the northwest, the cruiser set off for the naval base at Weihaiwei, firing an occasional shot from its aft 6-inch gun. Within a week, the Chinese cruiser was repaired, though it still looked like a floating wreck. Meanwhile, the 1,300-ton lightly armed sloop Kwang Yi, which ignored orders to retire from the fight, charged toward the Japanese and attempted to launch a torpedo. The Japanese made quick work of the Kwang Yi, killing most of her crew and setting the ship ablaze. The burning ship ran aground south of Caroline Bay, hotly pursued by the Naniwa, which continued to shell the sloop until its powder magazine exploded. Only eighteen Chinese sailors reached land. The first naval combat between Japanese and Chinese ironclads was over. At 8:30 a.m., lookouts alerted Captain Togo to a pair of ships entering Asan Gulf from the Yellow Sea: the escort sloop Tsao-kiang and a merchant steamer flying the British flag. The appearance of the two ships raised a serious problem for Togo. He assumed that Japan and China were certainly at war by now, but he did not believe that the British would be involved. From the Naniwa's bridge however, he could see through his telescope that the troops crowding the decks of the merchant ship appeared to be Chinese troops on their way to Asan. Togo could not let them land. At 9.15 a.m, Captain Togo ordered the Naniwa to fire two blank charges at the merchant ship and signaled her to stop. Although Togo was not keen on interfering with a ship flying the British flag, he could not let Chinese troops reach Korea. Holding the merchant ship under his guns, Togo dispatched a boarding party to investigate the ship and its cargo. The party reported the merchantman was the 2,134-ton merchant steamer Kowshing commanded by Captain T. R. Galsworthy of the British merchant marine. In addition to her normal complement of officers and a crew of 64 men, the Kowshing also carried 1,500 Chinese soldiers, two Chinese generals, fourteen field guns and their ammunition, and a German artillery officer, Major C. von Hanneken. The arrival of the Kowshing was not a total surprise, since the Japanese were already well aware of its existence. Lieutenant Kuroi of the Japanese Intelligence Department, informed Tokyo on July 14 that the Chinese government had chartered the Kowshing as a transport for Chinese troops. Captain Galsworthy declared he was on a legal voyage and loudly protested being halted by force of arms. Britain and Japan were not at war, he said, and Togo had no right to hold him. True, but Captain Togo had no intention of allowing 1,500 fully armed Chinese troops to land on Korean soil. He demanded Captain Galsworthy to immediately follow his ship to the main squadron. Galsworthy thought it a good idea, except that the Chinese on board insisted on returning to Taku, China instead. The British captain signaled Togo that the Chinese generals aboard refused to comply and requested the Europeans aboard his ship be taken off. Togo refused the request out of concern that his own ship might be attacked during the transfer. As the situation aboard the Kowshing became more chaotic, one Chinese general tried to argue that the Japanese would't dare sink a ship flying the British flag. Galsworthy wasn't so certain, yet he and his officers faced a real dilemma. Many of the Chinese troops aboard carried loaded weapons and made it obvious what would happen to Galsworthy and his crew if they refused to take the ship into Asan. In the end, Galsworthy feared the ship's owners even more. The Kowshing and the Naniwa floated on the calm sea in a dangerous stalemate for nearly four hours. The Japanese threatened. The Chinese stubbornly refused to surrender and demanded to return to Taku. Captain Galsworthy and his fellow British officers stood in the middle. Finally, Captain Togo signaled the Europeans aboard the Kowshing to leave. By then, the Chinese rapidly approached a state of mutiny. At 1 p.m., concerned that a Chinese battle fleet could be nearby, Captain Togo hoisted his red battle flag. Ten minutes later, he suddenly and without warning gave the order to open fire. The Naniwa fired a single torpedo at point blank range toward the Kowshing and missed. A broadside salvo from the Naniwa's big guns struck the Kowshing's engine room and she began sinking within five minutes. Captain Galsworthy and his crew, along with the German Von Hanneken, jumped overboard to escape the ensuing panic. Japanese boats from the Naniwa quickly rescued the majority of the Europeans in the water. Aboard the sinking merchant ship, enraged Chinese troops began firing at everything and everybody. Japanese sailors returned suppressing fire from the Naniwa to cover the boats busily picking up the survivors. Within thirty minutes, the Kowshing slipped beneath the waves resulting in the deaths of some 950 Chinese soldiers. The 512 Chinese who survived swam toward Feng Island or clung to floating wreckage. The Japanese made no effort to rescue the Chinese. The sinking of the merchant ship Kowshing and the Chinese sloop Tsao-kiang drew howls of protest from the British Far Eastern Fleet commander, Admiral Fremantle, and grumbling disapproval from the British Foreign Office. The heated debate over the legality of the attack on the Kowshing ended quickly with the conclusion that Japan had acted well within its legal rights. After all, the Chinese troops and materiel were en route to Korea to fight Captain Togo's countrymen. To allow them to proceed might have been legally justifiable, but from the perspective of a Japanese patriot, it would have amounted to a criminally stupid act. Captain Togo became famous almost overnight for his mastery of the contentious issues involving foreign countries and regulations. By attacking the Chinese just days before breaking diplomatic relations and declaring war, the Japanese government set a precedent it repeated again and again, right up to World War II; the attack on Port Arthur in 1904, the attack on Mukden in 1931, the attack at the Marco Polo Bridge in 1937, and the surprise attack against Pearl Harbor in December 1941. Each time the victims were caught by surprise and each time Japanese actions were found to be in keeping with precedent. The small island empire of Japan had become a modern state and openly stood up to the largest nation in East Asia over the issue of Korean autonomy. Japan now flung aside all pretense and openly began to prepare for war with China and the domination of Korea. Simultaneous with the naval battle in the Yellow Sea, Major General Oshima Yoshimasa led mixed Japanese brigades numbering about 4,000 men on a rapid forced march from Seoul south toward Asan Bay to face 3,500 Chinese troops garrisoned at Songhwan Station east of Asan and Kongju. The pace was so swift and Oshima's impatience so great that the officer commanding the advance guard committed suicide after he failed to round up the needed coolies and pack animals within the proscribed twenty-four hours. In response to intense pressure from the Japanese, King Kojong brought the now eighty-year-old Taewongun out of retirement to head the new administration as grand councillor under Japanese sponsorship. Shortly after midnight on July 29, the principal foreign representatives in East Asia received telegrams from Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu informing them that King Kojong had entrusted the "supreme direction of administration and reforms" to the Taewongun, who would consult with the Japanese minister "on all questions of reforms which are actually inaugurated." The Japanese struck just hours later under the cover of darkness. The Japanese launched a night attack against General Yeh Chih-Chao's troops in a broad flanking assault, trapping them with their backs to the waters of Asan Bay. The right wing, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Takeda Shuzan, hit the Chinese left flank in a strong diversionary attack as Major General Oshima led a wide sweep around the opposite flank and enveloped the rear of the Chinese right. After evacuating Asan, the Chinese continued to lose ground as they retreated toward Pyongyang, leaving behind 500 killed and wounded. The better-trained and better-equipped Japanese army suffered only 88 killed and wounded. By sinking the Kowshing, Japan cut off any hope that reinforcements could reach the Chinese to help repel the onslaught. The battered remnants of defeated Chinese troops retreated north from the Asan and Kongju area by a long and circuitous route to Pyongyang, where they eventually joined with Huai Army troops sent from China. In commenting on the opening of hostilities against China, Minister Mutsu declared that the question of Korean independence and the extension to Japan of equal rights with China would be settled directly between Japan and Korea. Mutsu charged China's attention to foreign advice was only a ploy designed to buy time for war preparations. He depicted his own government as peaceful and professed regret that Chinese "obstinacy" had shattered the peace efforts of the foreign powers. Japan, he continued, would be disposed "in due time" to consider peace proposals compatible with "the actual state of affairs and the honor and dignity of the Empire." He also made it plain that Japan would negotiate only on the basis of China's "unconditional acceptance" of everything accomplished by Japan in Korea. On the night of July 31, Mutsu notified all foreign representatives in Japan that his government had "exhausted all available and just efforts" to reach a settlement with the Chinese and that a "state of war" existed between his country and China. Japan officially declared war the following day, August 1, 1894 Early on the morning of August 5, General Oshima Yoshimasa's victorious Japanese troops marched triumphantly into Seoul to a warm reception from Korean authorities and Japanese residents. Korea had once again become a battlefield for foreign adventure.
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